No sooner had my name appeared on the list of contacts for Right Sector (as Press Secretary for relations with foreign nationalist movements and organizations) than did the Leftist Ukrainophobe Mark Sleboda, a former Internet friend, and who is still closely watching my Facebook page, began posting “defamatory photos” of me on social media, late at night. They show me holding a flag with a swastika, to which was added the following morning a photo of me with the Russian Eurasianist philosopher Alexander Dugin, this time in order to intimidate the Ukrainian audience – on whose initiative this was done, I do not know. Sleboda, who is close to Komsomolskaya Pravda on the Russian news channel Russia Today, even cut ties with the well-known editor of traditionalist and “New Right” literature John Morgan, calling him a “fascist,” despite the fact that his publishing house, Arktos, is one of Dugin’s publishers – apparently because John supported the Ukrainian revolution, delivered a lecture in the occupied Kyiv City Council and has offered the possibility of publishing books related to Ukrainian nationalism and the Maidan. Sleboda likewise shared my contact information on his own page and introduced me as “a post-graduate student of philosophy, a member of the Ukrainian Traditionalist Club, a scholar of the Conservative Revolution, a charismatic intellectual, fluent in English, etc.,” only in order to end this tribute with the image of the supposedly proud fascist, waving the Nazi flag and saluting an imaginary Führer.
It is probably needless to say that in the context of the continuing chauvinist propaganda against the Ukrainian “fascists” that is coming from Russia, this was hardly a surprise. This photo was a representation of Western totalitarian liberalism, against which I have unfolded my own information campaign for the sake of mockery through various mediums – from academic texts to the absurdist “neo-Nazi” photographs. This method is no different from, for example, that of the extremely provocative techniques of the “anthropology professor” Orest Liutyi, who, with his “severe Ukrainization” videos, supports and confirms the paranoid phobias of the average Russian citizen about Ukraine.
Let us not forget about the well-known comedian Dieudonné M’bala M’bala, who is of Franco-Cameroonian origin and who is famous for his “anti-Semitic” comedy and memes, and for his pseudo-Nazi salutes, all of which are aimed at the Hollywood “Holocaust industry” and the double standards of the Zionist lobbies that represent all forms of national self-determination apart from that of Jews as anti-Semitism, racism and Nazism. He continues to ridicule this and other excesses of political correctness in Western societies, in spite of regular fines by the French government for his supposed “hate speech.” Photos of people reproducing this gesture litter the Internet.
As a student of the Conservative Revolution, my conclusions regarding the political forces at play in modern Russia and Europe will be presented in the pages of my thesis, much of which I had to rewrite according to my own observations of the ideological choices made by the latter during the Ukrainian revolution, which polarized the Right-wing community into two warring camps. In addition, I have been studying radical “Nietzschean” aesthetic movements, so I often have to deal with various kinds of nihilistic symbolism which is associated by the average person with absolute evil; occasionally my investigations might include photographs such as those being used by my enemies as part of my fieldwork.
As for the other photo, if anyone’s suspicions have been aroused because of my Eurasian contacts, I can in turn “confirm” another fact about myself, using another ironic photo showing me with my Communist party membership card in hand, which I add here in an attempt to allay any hysteria among potential readers of the sensational reports about me as the Devil’s Advocate – or again, the “fascist” – in the service of Right Sector. This photo was taken a week ago during my attendance at a lecture held by the nationalist organization C14. The photo of me with Alexander Dugin dates from 2011, when I and other members of the Ukrainian Traditionalist Club, along with some of our Belarusian colleagues, attended the international traditionalist conference Against the Postmodern World, which was organized by the then-pro-Ukrainian-minded leader of neo-Eurasianism, Alexander Dugin. At that time, Dugin distanced himself from his previous anti-Ukrainian statements and from the anti-Ukrainian actions of his Eurasian Youth Union, and he expressed joy over the fact that he was able to cooperate with us Ukrainian and Belarusian intellectuals, whom he then regarded as being far from “ethno-chauvinism.” At this conference I even delivered two reports: one on the metaphysical teleology of the Conservative Revolution, as well as a presentation of the “Philosophy of the Super” of the Russian radical thinker Azsacra Zarathustra, who is more than critical of Dugin’s ideas and personality.
Needless to say, at the beginning of the Ukrainian revolution, Alexander Dugin removed his mask entirely and began spreading his black-and-white depiction of the “geopolitical truth” about the confrontation between the West and Russia, in which the United States is allegedly supporting the Ukrainian “neo-Nazis” just because we are “anti-Russian.” After one of his first anti-Ukrainian writings in English, I immediately began to respond, pointing out the fact that a third position had been born on the barricades in Grushevsky Street, along with the advent of Right Sector. I wrote this in English, in order to destroy the convenient picture being offered by this former defender and popularizer of the third way between East and West, and between liberalism and Communism, who has now become merely an imitator of the Kremlin’s imperialists. In the comments to my response, there soon emerged a discussion about the borders of the Soviet Union and the territorial “gifts” offered to Ukraine by Russia, in particular Crimea. In the course of this discussion I was able to refute the stereotypes that currently prevail among the Russian populace.
This was actually my first and last information campaign against these Eurasianist schemes on Dugin’s profile, as he immediately assessed the extent of the ideological losses that he might sustain as a result of this counter-propaganda, particularly due to my close contacts with many influential organizations and intellectuals – who, by the way, still support us – and, without hesitation, blocked me, as did his Eurasianist colleagues. The importance of this episode is that the Ukraine scenario, in relation to Russia, was implemented entirely in accordance with Dugin’s propagandist maxims, and his further posts only showed an increase in the degree of his chauvinism and Ukrainophobia. This culminated in him creating the “Russian Sector,” when he became the coordinator of the anti-Ukrainian part of Limonov’s National Bolsheviks, who went to Ukraine in order to organize the pro-Russian rallies in the east, and who acted as consultants to the separatists there, and also as advisors to President Vladimir Putin. It is obvious that my ideological struggle against neo-Eurasianism, which was supported by many of my international and Russian colleagues, is a direct blow to the imperial policies of Putin, and these photographs could actually be seen as a perfect illustration of the double standards of the “anti-fascist” hysteria that is currently being exploited by Russian chauvinists, considering their own checkered and colorful pasts.
Over the past few months I have met in Kyiv and was interviewed by nationalists from the Swedish organization Nordisk Ungdom, who have also financially supported Right Sector; the representatives of the Swedish independent newspaper Nya Tider; the Swedish party Sverigedemokraterna; as well as the activists of the volunteer organization Svenska Ukrainafrivilliga, who are now patrolling the streets alongside Ukrainian nationalists. Additionally, I have recorded a video interview with the founders of the Italian movement Casapound Italia, and answered the questions of German nationalists, particularly from the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands for their newspaper Deutsche Stimme. It was purely due to a busy schedule that I did not go to the European Congress of Nationalists in Germany on March 22, at their invitation. This is not to mention my many contacts with French, Croatian, Spanish, Danish and nationalists from many other countries who have visited Kyiv and Right Sector in recent months. Many Websites and pages from around the world that support Right Sector get their information and news from my profile on Facebook. So it is clear that it is very beneficial for someone who opposes us to attempt to marginalize our efforts and drive it underground, but this won’t happen, because I assume responsibility for every ideological and symbolic act that is associated with me and my scholarly interests. Besides, the sense of humor of the Ukrainian audience is still in good shape.
This unprecedented informational war against us has positive aspects. It is clear that our ideological enemies fear the ability of Right Sector to reach sympathizers around the world by means of the persistent ideological activity of Ukrainian political philosophers. Researchers of nationalist ideologies in Ukraine have long maintained friendly relations with nationalists and representatives of the third way from all over the world. It should also be understood that, for me, the most important thing is the results, not the outer trappings, so if necessary I am ready to coordinate with representatives of European nationalist movements and organizations as a member of the Ukrainian Traditionalist Club rather than from Right Sector, or even anonymously. Considering my well-established relationships with my colleagues and friends from many countries, this wave of information warfare against the Press Secretary of Right Sector will have no effect. I suspect that it may even foster links with yet further organizations, such as the Greek nationalist party Golden Dawn, which initially supported Putin because of the large number of oligarchs of “non-Ukrainian origin” in the interim government of Ukraine and amongst the alleged “Zionist allies” of Dmytro Yarosh.
My plan was also to begin appealing to the major nationalist parties that supported the annexation of Crimea by Russia (such as Hungary’s Jobbik, the aforementioned Golden Dawn, the French National Front, and the Alliance of European National Movements) on behalf of Right Sector in order to enhance the credibility of the perspectives that I have regularly offered foreign friends and organizations in recent months. I have been doing this because the propaganda emanating from Russia isolates the Ukrainian revolutionaries from the other European nationalist movements, and this should be stopped. Moreover, my European colleagues need it in order to know what is happening here. Therefore, strengthening my cooperation with Right Sector was a logical step toward optimizing our common endeavor of building a pan-European nationalist front, primarily to act against the media and the ideological dictates of liberal extremists from both Russia and the West. In our country, one does not necessarily have to wave a swastika flag to win fame as a fascist, so it is unclear whether the Western Leftists really thought they could surprise us with that.
P.S. At least now everyone will stop thinking that Right Sector “works for the Kremlin.” The truth is quite the reverse: Dugin and the Kremlin work for Right Sector.