1. Not so long ago, when Right Sector’s members were detained, beaten and disarmed after their return from East Ukraine, Dmytro Yarosh was ready to leave the zone of ATO and turn against the corrupt officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, especially Volodymyr Evdokimov, but MIA Avakov and the Cabinet of Ministers promised to fire him, so Yarosh cancelled his threat. However, the President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko hasn’t recognized Volunteer Ukrainian Corps “Right Sector” yet as an official governmental structure, so further clashes with the key figures of his regime are possible, especially after the treacherous destruction of the volunteer battalions near Ilovaysk, which is under investigation now.
Recently Right Sector’s activists started the wave of so-called #trashbucketchallenge actions, which consist in public throwing a corrupt politician in the dumpster. Right Sector’s electoral lists are ready, Dmytro Yarosh decided to run for parliamentary election in the Dnipropetrovsk region and sucessfully entered the Parliament.
2. Igor Mosiychuk is not likely to return to his duties in Press Service of Azov and currently collaborates with Radical Party of Oleg Lyashko. Anna Senik also works now in the Staff of ATO.
3. Svoboda’s battalion “Sich” has become fully functional and at present fights in East Ukraine; many Svoboda’s MPs conducted their “pre-election campaign” on the frontline, just like Yarosh during the presidential elections.
4. Maidan is competely cleansed; neither tents, nor the scene remained there, only the monuments to the heroes of Heavenly Hundred.
5. Along with Russian invasion near Novoazovsk the anti-terrorist operation was completed and started war with the parts of Russian regular army.
6. “Azov” battalion along with locals effectively protects Mariupol from the Russian invasion; Interior Minister Avakov highly estimated its combat level. The “Azov” battalion has become the first volunteer battalion that was expanded to the regiment due to high military achievements. Its commander Andriy Biletsky won the parliamentary election as an independent candidate.
7. Boryslav Bereza is no longer a press secretary of Right Sector due to his left-liberal rhetoric, criticizm of the “fascist homophobes” among the ranks of Right Sector and the ambiguous remarks about “anti-Semitic” SNA (O.S.).
In Croatian: http://kreativisti.org/i-16a.html
Interview: Pravyi Sektor
We present to you an exclusive interview with the Ukrainian organization Pravýi Sektor (Desni Sektor), one of the main factors of the Ukrainian revolution and active participants in the battles with the pro-Russian separatists in the east of the country. Interview due its size will be divided into three articles. On behalf of Right Sector answered our questions their spokeswoman Olena Semenyaka.
Greetings, and thank you for this opportunity to get the first-hand insight into situation in Ukraine and involvement of Right Sector in struggle for independence and freedom. We express our support to Ukrainian nationalists, and must say there are a lot of people in Croatia that are supportive to your actions. We experienced similar situation twenty years ago when we revolted against communist regime and foreign aggression.
Now, onto questions;
1.) First of all, could you introduce us a bit with forming of Right Sector? Your organization is actually a joint effort of few already existing groups, such as Tryzub, Patriots of Ukraine, UNA-UNSO,… during Maidan protests. Were there any plans of forming Right Sector even prior the whole Maidan situation?
Creation of Right Sector (usually called “Pravyi Sektor” on various foreign pages, which is Latin transliteration of the Ukrainian title) was initiated by Truzyb named after Stepan Bandera back in November of 2013, but the process of its crystallization into the massive national-revolutionary movement, then civic union and finally political party was gradual. In the beginning Right Sector was represented by one tent at Maidan, later, during the first forceful dispersal of Maidan, when the students were beaten (November 30), Right Sector existed as a circle of people that surrounded the winged monument at Maidan (Independence Stella) against the prevailing forces of Ukrainian “riot police” “Berkut”; gathering of different paramilitary organizations along with patriotic and decisively minded citizens under the banner of Right Sector happened after radicalization of the protests on Grushevsky St., when revolutionaries moved to the governmental quarter and started violent clashes with Berkut. Right Sector united Tryzub, Patriot of Ukraine, Social-National Assembly (two essentially united organizations), UNA-UNSO (Ukrainian National Assembly-Ukrainian National Self-Defense), White Hammer (later expelled due to “anarchism” and domestic conflicts) and some other forces. On March 27 was officially gathered the first congress of the political party Right Sector, at which Dmytro Yarosh was elected as its leader and confirmed his intent to run for President of Ukraine.
Indeed, different Ukrainian national-revolutionary organizations anticipated the events that happened at Maidan. Their inevitability has become obvious right after “inauguration” of President Viktor Yanukovych and the beginning of repressions against nationalists. The official site of Tryzub “Banderivets” even published the text of Dmytro Yarosh in which he predicted the development of revolution in Ukraine; also became very popular video of his summer speech (2013) at the military training camp near the city of Ternopil, during which he explained the necessity of National Revolution in our country.
2.) Protests in Kiev started as anti-Yanukovich and pro-EU protests. When did you decide as nationalists to jump in and redirect protests into nationalist uprising?
I would say that Maidan lost its Euro- part right after the students were beaten by Berkut on November 30. The protests gained completely different meaning, and the corrupt antinational regime of Yanukovych that repressed nationalists before the beginning of Maidan, became the main target for all Ukrainians, since all of them have become “ultra-nationalists” and “fascists.”
3.) What are your standpoints towards EU and NATO?
Right Sector stands for the non-aligned status of Ukraine, that is both against EU and NATO membership of our country. Since the very beginning Dmytro Yarosh underlined in his interviews that Right Sector considers European Union as a huge anti-national entity, “a bureaucratic monster” that spreads anti-traditional and anti-Christian values, that is showed that Ukrainian nationalists are perfectly familiar with the reasons for, to say the least, euroskeptical moods among their European colleagues. As Yarosh argued in one of his books, “Ukraine is a European state, and Ukrainians – a European nation. It has been so for many thousands of years. None of us has doubts about it. But whether modern Europe is European? Here is the question.”
Right Sector distinguishes between signing EU association agreement and EU membership. The former is acceptable as a means of escaping from the sphere of Kremlin’s geopolitical, economic and, of course, cultural-historical influence, although some points like further disarmament are definitely not, whereas joining EU is a priori rejected: Right Sector strives for “Europe of free nations,” and, not incidentally, familiarization of European nationalists with Right Sector started with its video “Great European Reconquest,” which demonstrates the genuine ambitions and aspirations of Right Sector.
Likewise, in his interview for Belorussian conservative centre “Nomos” Yarosh added that he does not really consider NATO – “an instrument of international banditism” – as a counterweight of Russia, and further goes on to say that Ukraine should be not an object, but a subject of geopolitics, initiate global changes and create its own geopolitical project. Among existing ones Right Sector sympathizes with the project of Baltic-Black Sea alliance and is eager to strengthen relations between countries of this area as a regional leader. In his book “Ukrainian Revolution: XXI Century” Yarosh called Americanism another, different form of imperialism, which is now called “globalization” (as opposed to classic open Russian imperialism). Geneva agreements proved that Dmytro Yarosh was right when he was ready to accept only real help of NATO members like weapons or modernization of Ukrainian Army; while Russia justifies its intervention and annexation of Crimea by the threat of NATO’s domination, Ukrainians who relied on Western help remained defenseless and irritated with useless “sanctions,” not mentioning “deep disturbance,” “shock,” “anxiety” and similar symptomatic rhetoric of the Western officials. By the way, disappointment with the West among ordinary citizens can be observed in the social networks, which contain incomparably smaller amount of pro-EU and pro-NATO publications and avatar pictures as compared to the beginning of Euromaidan. Each time when the West demands ceasefire, negotiations with terrorists and federalization, Ukrainians accuse it of collaboration with the Kremlin. After the tragedy of Malaysian MH-17 the Westerners themselves started realizing that their governments are also guilty of its crash, because they were handshaking with Putin and repeated after him that separatists are not terrorists and deserve for a dialogue.
Also Yarosh emphasized that Pravyi Sektor is devoid of any kind of pathological hatred towards USA, but is aware of the fact that America strives for the world hegemony, whereas we aim for free Europe of nations and the genuine multipolar world. So far our army received only humanitarian help of USA (food, bulletproof vests). Popular fairytales about American money and mercenaries there is no need to comment, I guess.
Therefore, after signing EU association agreement on June 27, Dmytro Yarosh repeated on occasion of Roman Shukhevych’s birthday on June 30 (the commander of Ukrainian Insurgent Army) that it has never been the true goal of Maidan and that the struggle for the real revolutionary changes, interrupted by war, only starts.
4.) Your leader, Dmytro Yarosh announced he will run for president, what do you think his chances are? How big is support for your organization amongst general population?
First of all, it’s necessary to say that Dmytro Yarosh, in fact, refused from election campaign as soon as started the separatist provocations in the East of Ukraine. He moved the headquarters of Pravyi Sektor from Kyiv to the city of Dnipropetrovsk (central Ukraine, a fully pro-Ukrainian city governed by Kolomoysky and the frontier that segregates pro-Ukrainian areas from the destabilized by Russian special forces and controlled by terrorists “autonomous republics”), because it’s easier to coordinate anti-terrorist operation from this centre.
Social-National Assembly, which is a part of Pravyi Sektor, albeit quite independent one, ideologically and organizationally united so-called Black Men – a volunteer association of patriots that appeared in response to intervention of Russian “polite people,” or Green Men and aim for complete liquidation of the separatist threat and reconquest of Crimea. Later they transformed into the right-wing battalion “Azov,” which is formally subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, and has already conducted an exemplary for the whole history of anti-terrorist struggle in Ukraine operation – liberation of the city of Mariupol. Although “Azov” is guided by Social-National Assembly which tends to Heathenism, there can be found very different people: activists of Ukrainian Christian nationalist organization “Bratstvo” (Brotherhood), hundred of the Head of Committee of Political Prisoners Mykola Kokhanivsky, ultras, members of “Svoboda,” local patriots from Eastern Ukraine, foreign volunteers from Russia, Belorussia, Sweden, Canada, Italy, France, etc. (even a right-wing Japanese volunteered to join them).
Dmytro Yarosh, in turn, helped to form the battalions “Dnipro-1” and “Dnipro-2” (members of Right Sector also serve in other volunteer battalions like “Azov” led by Andriy Biletskyi, “Donbas” headed by Semen Semenchenko or “Aydar” led by Sergiy Melnychuk) and personally supervises military operations in the zone of ATO. Besides, not so long ago he also formed the separate volunteer defense force “Ukrainian Volunteer Corps.” Joint operation of the fighters of Right Sector and Donbas near Karlivka was very successful, the same as release of the town of Avdiyivka and Krasnogorivka.
In fact, Yarosh started election campaign only a few weeks before the elections: he was invited to all main TV programs and held debates with other candidates. People joke, but it’s actually true, that the entire pre-election campaign for Yarosh was conducted solely by the Kremlin’s media. Of course, it was negative: for instance, Russian security service faked several videos, in which alleged fighters of Right Sector brutally murder the policemen who took the Russian side. One of such videos Right Sector officially disproved, but another was falsified so pathetically that Right Sector did not even bother to refute it. Information explosion – and the turning point in the information warfare against Right Sector – happened after the pro-Russian forces at the Eastern Ukrainian city of Slovyansk, chosen by separatists as their centre, “found” the business card of Dmytro Yarosh in a completely burnt car that remained untouched by fire and which contained fake personal data of Yarosh written with mistakes. Instantly appeared thousands of Internet memes #ВізиткаЯроша (#BusinessCardofYarosh), after which it has become extremely hard to take seriously Kremlin’s news messages.
All big media companies tried to artificially decrease the rates of Dmytro Yarosh, but he has certain percentage of his convinced supporters, and not only nationalists or residents of Central or Western Ukraine: his best results perhaps were in Kyiv. All of them believe that the rates and the results of elections were falsified, because two main nationalist parties of Ukraine – Pravyi Sektor and Svoboda – achieved quite low results, whereas oligarch Petro Poroshenko who did nothing really outstanding during Maidan, albeit supported it, and was even booed by the revolutionaries the day Maidan became radical, that is when he was trying to stop them on Bankova Street at President Administration, got the presidential seat. On the other hand, people wanted to elect the president as soon as possible, in the first round, thus even those who were against Poroshenko decided to support the most probable winner and not be afraid that Russia disrupts the elections. So they voted for him instead of less influential nationalist candidates.
5.) Right Sector started as a revolutionary activist movement, and you have certainly proved yourselves as efficient in such terms. Last month Right Sector has been registered as a political party, do you think you’ve got what it takes to enter political arena? Who are the most prominent politicians in your ranks?
Actually local counter-revolutionary elements did not want to register the party “Pravyi Sektor” for presidential elections, right the day before their beginning, but were picketed and fulfilled their duty. Now this political force grows and gains new sympathizers and activists. Dmytro Yarosh promised to help the newly elected president fight the separatist threat in the East, which was quite successful during two first days of Poroshenko’s reign, and continues working now, above all, in the military field. Yarosh does not fear possible repressions by the new authorities, because Right Sector is not “an illegal armed military formation” and its members fight in the official governmental structures, although the murder of Sashko Bilyi still stands between Right Sector and Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine.
But each time when the president, governors or other officials betray the national interests of Ukraine, Right Sector is ready to interfere. For instance, during the unilateral truce that was proclaimed by Poroshenko on occasion of signing the EU association agreement, which took lives of more than 20 Ukrainian militaries and deprived us of the strategic initiative, Right Sector’s structures supported the initiative of the battalion commander of “Donbas” Semen Semenchenko who picketed president administration and required restoration of ATO. It’s clear that armed volunteer forces are a much more valid reason to take into account the political will of true patriots who help to rule the state. Besides, Right Sector aims for complete reload of power as before and demands preterm parliamentary elections in autumn. Yarosh knew that it was hardly probable that he would become a president, but he realized that it was necessary work for the future and strengthening the new right-wing party that showed quite good results as for a beginner.
Apart from Dmytro Yarosh, who is a talented nationalist writer and an author of several books, among its ranks Right Sector has lots of famous members and simply excellent professionals that can change the face of their country. Oleg Odnorozhenko, an ideological referent of Social-National Assembly, a deputy commander of the battalion “Azov” for educational work, the Ph.D. in History, a specialist in heraldry and a former political prisoner; the main leader of SNA and a legendary commander of “Azov” Andriy Biletskyi; Yaroslav Babych, a highly qualified lawyer (advocate) and at the same time a creative mind of Right Sector, the Head of Legislative Office of Social-National Assembly; Ihor Zahrebelnyi, a young philosopher, an ideologist of Right Sector and an author of a book on Dmytro Dontsov, many articles and essays; Anna Senik, a propagative referent, a talented photographer and a beautiful face of Social-National Assembly; Igor Kryvoruchko, a head of Kyiv regional organization of SNA; Arseniy Bilodub, a frontman of a well-known nationalist RAC/rock band “Sokyra Peruna”; “banderivets from Sevastopol,” a journalist, a military instructor of Black Men and a namesake of the infamous Russian TV-host Dmitriy Kiselev, a journalist, a blogger and now a soldier of “Ukrainian Volunteer Corps” Olena Bilozerska, a military instructor Marusia Zvirobiy, just to name a few. Before the elections Right Sector proclaimed mobilization of all the professionals who want to contribute to comprehensive improvement of Ukraine. Son of the supreme commander of UPA Roman Shukhevych Yuriy Shukhevych also expressed his passionate support for Right Sector and underlined that we should build our future without the helping hand of “rotten Europe.”
I named a lot of members of SNA, but you should keep in mind that it has its own ideology (Social Nationalism, Natiocracy), was quite powerful before emergence of Right Sector and should also be considered as an autonomous force. One of so-called “Vasylkivsky terrorists” (another “Vasylkivsky terrorist” Volodymyr Shpara also serves in “Azov”) and an ex-deputy commander of the battalion “Azov” for public affairs Igor Mosiychuk has quit his position in order to avoid jeopardizing military service of “Azov” and further conflicts with Igor Kolomoysky’s deputy Borys Filatov, since after Mosiychuk and MP Oleg Lyashko accused Kolomoysky of prolonging ATO and making money out of war, Filatov announced that they “stop financing” the battalions “Azov” and “Shahtarsk,” although in reality Kolomoysky or Dnipropetrovsk administration has never regularly financed or ruled them, forbade him entrance to the territory of Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhzhia regions and called Mosiychuk “Nazi.” This episode shows really well that “Jewish oligarch Kolomoysky” has nothing to do with Ukrainian rightists, especially “Azov,” as opposed to infamous Kremlin’s propaganda. Actually Igor Mosiychuk criticized Kolomoysky even before this conflict, because he “dared to teach Ukrainians how to kill enemies for money.” Lyashko has no relation to “Azov” as well even if he was quite helpful for the battalion and country. Likewise, Kolomoysky’s anti-separatist position was helpful for Dnipropetrovsk, although at the symbolical level his figure as the main character of Kremlin’s propaganda brought a lot of harm. Andriy Biletskyi condemned both sides for making public statements that almost turned a unique victory of “Azov” into loss. By the way, recent action in support of Israel that was held by Andriy Denysenko (the regional leader of Right Sector’s branch) where for some unknown reason appeared Right Sector’s flag was his private initiative and was not sanctioned by Right Sector or Dmytro Yarosh who’s preoccupied solely with war.
6.) What can you tell us about the other Ukrainian nationalist party – Swoboda? Do you cooperate with them?
The party “Svoboda” is a developed and experienced parliamentary force that also started as “Social-National Party of Ukraine” and exists since 90-s. It has a lot of professional and devoted nationalists among its ranks as well (like Yuriy Mykhalchyshyn, Andriy Illienko, Yuriy Syrotiuk, Eugen Karas, Andriy Medvedko, Ruslan Adriyko, Yuriy Noievyi, Andriy Voloshyn, Sviatoslav Vyshynsky), but in geopolitical terms it’s more pro-Western than Right Sector, which is against NATO and EU membership, and less militant, because their strength – parliamentary recognition, legislative activity – under current conditions is not the most important domain. As a result, “Svoboda” did not form its own military unit, so many its members had to join National Guard or volunteer battalions. Only lately Svoboda started recruitment of its own battalion “Sich,” but so far it’s not clear whether it’s fully functional, although many members of Svoboda have already shown their courage and skills on the frontline in other structures.
If Right Sector consciously refused from agitation in favor of purely military work in East Ukraine, Svoboda conducted a more active pre-election campaign, but still gained little voices. However, its voices went not so much to Right Sector as to a leader of “Radical Party” Oleg Lyashko who raised his rates owing to anti-separatist activity in the East and different patriotic populist initiatives. Recently activists of Right Sector in particular discovered falsified Kyiv Council ballots, so the votes were recounted, and some of them like Igor Mosiychuk became deputies. At Maidan Svoboda took active part in capturing the administrative buildings and clashes, so one has to distinguish between its political leadership as a part of pro-Western coalition and ordinary party members who acted anonymously in the streets and many of whom have joined the ranks of the fallen “Heavenly Hundred.” After all, this coalition is not eternal, too, and was quit by the main players after resignation of Arseniy Yatseniuk (who returned to his duties, though) in order to enable the pre-term parliamentary elections.
The paramilitary substructure of “Svoboda” that has lots in common with Right Sector is a nationalist organization “C14” led by Eugen Karas who eagerly cooperates with other nationalist organizations and independent patriots and whose hundred named after Sviatoslav the Brave (last Heathen prince of Kyivan Rus’ celebrated for his military accomplishments) was very active during and after Maidan. It is also well-known by European nationalists who stayed in the post-revolutionary period at seized by C14 office of Communist party and helped it to patrol the streets and fulfil other tasks. Eugen Karas started training his own company much earlier than appeared the official battalion of the party. Yet both parties are willing to cooperate, at least theoretically: this readiness was displayed both by Oleg Tiagnybok, the head of “Svoboda,” and Dmytro Yarosh, who underlined that he does not view Tiagnybok as a political rival and that nationalists must unite. Not so long ago I discussed the possibility of creating an alliance of Right Sector and Svoboda (also for the sake of parliamentary elections) with my friends from this party. Some key members of Svoboda like Iryna Farion remarked that Right Sector is not going to join its forces with them, but she wishes good luck this new political agent and rejoices at growing popularity of the right-wing ideas in Ukrainian society. I guess this question may arise again depending on the political situation. Practically, as I said, some members of Svoboda have already joined the battalion “Azov” that is administrated by Social-National Assembly (Right Sector). The latter often criticizes both pro-Western and republican tendencies in Svoboda’s policy and insists on the principle of great-powerness, but a lot of members of this party share the same idea of the historical mission of Ukraine and are quite far from the populist surface of Svoboda for the masses. So far all are willing to try their strength separately, though.
Also I should remark that at the legislative level “Svoboda” mostly successfully defends interests of nationalists: for instance, recently only their fraction voted for lustration, which was the main demand of Maidan. If Right Sector enters the parliament, joint nationalist front will be much stronger.
7.) After the success of Maidan revolution, certain negative political figures became influential again and they even participate in government now. I am mostly talking about liberal and pro-EU figures there. What is your position towards current government in Kiev?
Liberal oppositionist figures of Maidan, I mean Klytchko and Yatseniuk, ideologically can be described as centrists with populist right-wing elements, both pro-Western, and both were several times rejected by the activists of Maidan as useless leaders whose pacifism and indecisiveness only multiplies victims of police terror, so their official appointment speaks mostly about their financial and administrative resource, and if Arseniy Yatseniuk is an economist by profession, Vitaliy Klitchko owes all his fame to sport. But they were against the former regime, that’s why they were accepted in the interim government and after the presidential elections reinforced their positions: Yatseniuk remained Prime Minister, Klytchko cancelled his candidature to become Mayor of Kyiv. Fears of Yulia Tymoshenko’s victory did not come true, but key Ukrainian officials (Turchynov, Yatseniuk) belong(ed) to her party “Bat’kivshchyna” (Fatherland). Newly elected president Poroshenko is also a liberal oligarch, thus Yarosh explained that he’s quite careful in his assessments, is ready to collaborate with the state leader for the purpose of liquidation of the separatist threat in the East and support him from statist positions provided that he does everything right, but if Poroshenko misuses his power, Right Sector will become oppositionist and will do everything possible to return it to Ukrainian people instead of another oligarchic clans.
Considerable role of liberals in the new government is explained not only by power of money or falsifications. One cannot consider separately National Revolution in Ukraine (Maidan) and war with Russia. Fear of “backed” by EU and especially NATO pro-Western politicians made Russia portray by any means the overthrown president Yanukovych as “legitimate,” as opposed to so-called “junta.” As a result, in spite of uselessness of Western “support,” “deep concern” and “sanctions,” the radical vanguard of revolution had to cooperate with its legitimate, parliamentary and internationally recognized representation. This anxiety reached its climax during the reign of the interim government and especially after the annexation of Crimea, when people, in fact, refused from any revolutionary initiatives “because Putin can invade Ukraine.” As you know, National Revolution also presupposes corresponding social changes, and from this point of view Maidan has not reached its goal, that’s why soon after the symbolic victory of revolution nationalists started talking about “the second wave of revolution” or “the second Nationalist Revolution” that will grant nationalists fully deserved power and, which was more important, will help to organize efficient resistance against the intervention (“It’s impossible to defeat the foreign enemy when there are inner traitors and collaborationists behind your back”). Namely during that period all fully realized, firstly, that “the fighter with the new world order Putin” is actually the biggest euro- and NATO- integrator of Ukraine, secondly, that pro-Western and pro-Russian political identities are not mutually exclusive: leaders of “backed by the US and EU” interim government of Ukraine gained the reputation of pro-Kremlin collaborationists merely because of their indecisiveness and a lack of a political will to protect our country.
So, on one hand, war spoiled natural developments of our Revolution, because we were backstabbed by “our brotherly Russian nation” that was indoctrinated by its state leaders, on the other, many examples in history show that successful revolutions were accompanied by the foreign invasion that kept society in the required military condition. As a result, even though from a social-economic point of view the system hardly changed, since one oligarch was exchanged for another (Yanukovych for Poroshenko, who was also one of the founders of Party of Regions), all national forces united in the face of the enemy as it happened after the first world war in Germany, although we also have our own national revolutionaries and traitors from Ukrainian “Weimar republic.” Moreover, military necessity hastened lustration if not in political then in power structures: especially spectacular was demonstrative detention of collaborationists from Eastern Ukrainian police by the fighters of the volunteer battalion “Donbas” and its commander Semen Semenchenko (ethnic Russian) who taught them how to serve their Fatherland. Ex-fighters of internal forces along with former “Berkut” that dispersed Maidan are also involved in ATO, but their loyalty was constantly tested. Recently Poroshenko even announced amnesty for special units “Alpha” and “Berkut” due to their “heroic service” in the East. The next step is to enlarge political influence of the volunteer battalions that to a great extent consist of right-wing, ideologically motivated fighters, especially “Azov” and “Right Sector.”
8.) We’ve got information that many Right Sector activists have been harassed by new government. There is also the case of murder of Olexandr Muzychko, one of the most notable activists of your group. Tell me, is it finally known what exactly happened that night, who killed him? Also, what happened to others that were with him, which got kidnapped that night?
We believed that Olexandr Muzychko was killed by order of Interior Minister Avakov, by the fighters of the special police unit “Sokil” in particular; his detained comrades were released after interrogation. All remember the period of Avakov’s repressions against Right Sector that was portrayed as “an illegal armed grouping” after the shooting incident at Maidan. Dmytro Yarosh openly accused Avakov and promised to avenge the death of Myzuchko (“Sashko Bilyi”). Once also gathered a big Council at Maidan during which members of Social-National Assembly (Right Sector) Yaroslav Babych, Igor Kryvoruchko and Oleg Odnorozhenko called people to express their demands (resignation of Avakov and more radical ones) in front of Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) of Ukraine, which was nearly stormed. Later Avakov made another mistake: approved (if not ordered) of an arrest and beating nationalists from C14 who volunteered to support a march for unity of Ukraine in Eastern Ukrainian city of Kharkiv that back then was partially controlled by separatists who had a bad habit of physical attacking pro-Ukrainian meetings. Among severely beaten by Kharkiv “Berkut” and “Sokil” 70 (!) nationalists were also two our foreign comrades from Canada and Sweden. This has led to another extraordinary Council at Maidan gathered by Igor Garkavenko, leader of RUNA (Russian-Ukrainian Nationalist Alliance), and famous Ukrainian blogger Dmytro Riznychenko who serves at present in the battalion “Donbas,” during which Avakov and other higher officials of the interim government like Turchynov were accused of collaborationism (“Fight separatists, not Ukrainian nationalists who do your job!”) and which also ended with a night visit to Verkhovna Rada and even symbolic burning tires in front of its doors. Later Avakov admitted that beating nationalists from C14 was abuse of authority and belatedly apologized for that incident, but his official version of Olexandr Muzychko’s death, according to which he shot himself, is simply not tenable. Right Sector along with other activists agreed to create the temporary investigation commission to examine circumstances of Muzychko’s death and required Avakov’s suspension from duty during the investigation, but the officials who had to participate in the regular meetings of the commission sabotaged its activities; recently Social-National Assembly explained the causes and perpetrators of failure at the thematic press conference.
Lately Igor Mosiychuk said that there are evidences against the First Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine Volodymyr Evdokimov.
Last time Sashko Bilyi was loudly commemorated as the first post-revolutionary patriotic martyr during the torchlight march in memory of Heavenly Hundred on April 29 that I helped to organize Igor Garkavenko and Dmytro Riznychenko. “Black Men” of Social-National Assembly and C14 that supported this initiative were drawn into the fray by local Self-Defense of Maidan, after that incident more famous as “Alco-Defense of Maidan,” which did not want to let us through Maidan, because, in their opinion, we were going to set on fire their tents and Verkhovna Rada. This is another bright example of counter-revolutionary and collaborationist behavior that disguises itself as fear of Putin’s invasion (“This is provocation of Putin” / “You create a picture for the Kremlin’s media”), which, luckily, is hardly possible now under conditions of open crossing the Ukrainian border by the Russian terrorists who kill our militaries and are getting killed in response. All felt the need to transform Maidan. As a result, a few days ago Maidan left the last tents, only the scene remained.
At present Right Sector officially coordinates its activity with the Ministry of Internal Affairs (still headed by Avakov), Security Service and the Defense Ministry of Ukraine. Also reportedly was formed the battalion “Viking“ named after Sashko Bilyi.
9.) Soon after the change of government in Ukraine, Russian Federation under Putin’s rule invaded and annexed Crimea. Their main point was accusation that Russian minority is under threat in Ukraine. What do you have to say about that?
It’s pure propaganda, lies. Raising the language question in the Parliament right after the overthrow of the former regime when control over the southeast of Ukraine was really weak was an ultimate stupidity, but even in Crimea Russian language has never been a second state language and merely had “a special status,” so adopted law only de jure reaffirmed the fact that Ukrainian language was the only state language in Ukraine. Thus we may accuse some deputies of criminal neglecting the task of military protection of Ukrainian sovereignty for the sake of cultural satisfaction or justice, especially in times of occupation of Crimea, but everything else is solely a result of Russian imperialist crusading against “the brotherly nation.” I would like to underline that speaking Ukrainian is obligatory only in governmental institutions, whereas any other language may be an instrument of “cultural” or colloquial communication. Moreover, in Right Sector, which is the very embodiment of “ethno-chauvinism” for the Kremlin’s media, 40 % of people speak Russian; in the battalion “Azov” – even 80 %. Both in Maidan and in Ukrainian volunteer battalions, “Azov” and “Donbas” in particular, serve Russians. This vector of Russian propaganda underwent crisis right after appearance of Black Men who started filming video appeals, in which explained in Russian that they are not mythical Western Ukrainian “banderivtsi,” but neighbours of Eastern and Southern Ukrainian residents who’ll liquidate all signs of the separatist threat in their native regions. As far as we see, they fulfil their promise quite well.
10.) Many describe Putin’s actions as Russian imperialism, but is it possible that the whole Russian threat is actually orchestrated by certain international powers to exclusively weaken the possibility of Ukrainian nationalists getting to power, and thus setting example for other European countries as well?
It’s an interesting and a fresher perspective than predictable revelations in the genre of pseudo-geopolitics. Even if this idea sounds like conspiracy theory, it’s enough to admit the fact of political and economical collaboration of the West and Russia to realize that the strong nationalist Ukraine is equally threatening for both. Geneva agreements that do not mention Crimea, Western calls to “hear Donbas,” favor federalization and prolong the truce, belated sanctions of the 3-rd level that came into force only after MH-17 crash and are ignored by Russia that continues financing separatists, providing them with military vehicles and armament, as well as shooting at Ukrainian troops from the Russian border (system “Grad”), undercover negotiations of Putin and Merkel – all these factors show that both essentially similar sides try to not only take advantage of this war, but also neutralize the passionary potential of our society, exhaust it, make it weak and dependent on common economic decisions of the West and Russia. Ukrainians understand it very well and change their opinions only when they see real support and help. It’s clear that populist right-wing ideas became dominant in our society, and it’s obvious that after the end of war and full defeat of Russian propagandistic machine the national pride might awake in other European societies, too. The Communist party that was banned from the Parliament was yet another proof that the upcoming clash of two remaining camps – right and liberal – is inevitable. The conflict between Igor Mosiychuk and Borys Filatov, Kolomoysky’s deputy, may be viewed as the prognostic of the future ideological controversy: in response to the anti-oligarchic accusations they immediately took administrative measures and accused the opposite side of “fascism.” On the other hand, Filatov is on good terms with the commanders of the volunteer battalions, including “Azov,” and does a lot for the ATO.
11.) When we see pictures of pro-Russian separatist protests in the East, we mostly see Soviet iconography, even more that a Russian one. Why is that so?
Although residents of East Ukraine are geographically and ethnically close to Russia, the same nostalgia for Soviet Union is typical for elder generation of Ukrainians no matter where they come from, perhaps only except for Western Ukraine. All who haven’t managed to adapt to new post-Soviet social reality – quite far from being bright one – dream to return to Soviet Union. This explains social slogans which can be often heard from the supporters of the overthrown president Yanukovych and Putin: “for stability,” “for better life,” etc. Powerful Soviet mythology of May 9 (Victory Day), the cult of veterans of the Second World War, cult of “the nation-defeater of fascism,” etc., domestic anti-Americanism and a habit of blaming everything on USA are also a very strong part of cultural self-identification of pro-Soviet Ukrainians, which determined their sympathy for Russia, predisposition to Kremlin’s propaganda about “backed by the West Ukrainian Nazis” and the anti-Russian essence of Maidan, as well as made them susceptible to geopolitical fetishism of Eurasianists, declarative anti-Atlanticism and fallacious glorification of Putin as the last hope of the world and the fighter with the NWO.
There is a special sociological term that signifies brainwashed followers of Soviet mythology – “Vatniks,” from “vata” (wool) and “vatnik” (quilted jacket). Usually they are represented by elderly men and women who may wear this clothes or not, but have a recognizable mentality that consists of the same Soviet Stalinist myths, anti-fascist hysteria, anti-Westernalism, anti-Americanism in particular, and so on. They may look conservative as compared to modern Western people, or simply reactionary (fear of “Gayropa”), but for young nationalist generation their materialism is unbearable. Spiritual values of “the rebels” (I mean a few intelligent ones against the background of insurgents and looters) look artificial and unconvincing, too. They could be devoted to their “truth” like crusaders, but it does matter what you believe in. Spiritual quest built on denigration and lies is doomed.
East Ukraine and Crimea have larger percentage of the ethnic Russians and Russian speaking people, and some regions were added to Ukraine by the will of the communist leaders indeed (let’s not discuss now Ukraine’s – “breadbasket of USSR” and the rest of the world – comprehensive contribution to the wealth and development of Soviet Union and tragic human losses during red Holodomor(s)), but in exchange Russia took away equally big fertile lands near the current eastern border of Ukraine and the city of Taganrog, not mentioning completely Russified ethnic Ukrainian lands Don and Kuban, Cossacks of which now fight on the Russian side. Crimea, which was part of Gothic Empire back in IV century, which included lands of our remote ancestors, and has always been the traditional area of Ukrainian cultural and trade connections and military expansion, in turn, was transferred to Ukraine not by Khrushchev solely, but by the decision of the old core members of Communist party who dedicated this gift to the 300th anniversary of the Council of Pereyaslav when Ukrainian Hetman Bogdan Khmelnytskyi accepted Russian protectorate, which was loudly praised in the Soviet historiography as “reunification of Russian and Ukrainian peoples,” although in essence was nothing but a military alliance. Besides, this gift was not so generous, since after the end of Second World War economy, agriculture and infrastructure of the peninsula were completely ruined, and namely Ukrainians rebuilt Crimea and made it flourish, which was also recognized in party documents and media. Historically, Crimea was inhabited by many different nationalities (Goths, Greeks, Tatars, Turks, Armenians, Bulgarians, Georgians, Poles, Italians, Germans, Jews, Russians, Ukrainians), and till the outbreak of Russian-Crimean wars Tatars were a dominant ethnic group of the peninsula. Several waves of emigration combined with deportation of Crimean Tatars and other nationalities from Crimea by order of Stalin in 1944 ended their prevalence in Crimea, and only in the 80-s they started coming back home. Russian empress Catherine II resettled to Crimea thousands of Russians, but only in the XXth century, especially after Stalin’s deportations, they have become the biggest ethnic group in Crimea, and the total amount of Russians was not much bigger than the number of Ukrainians. Under the reign of Ottoman Empire Crimea was much longer, three centuries, and Ukrainian Zaporozhian Cossacks helped Catherine II to conquer Crimea, the same Catherine who said that she would never forget their favour and destroyed Zaporozhian Sich instead. Thus the city-hero Sevastopol perhaps can be considered as a predominantly pro-Russian city, as well as several other Crimean localities, but Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars constitute a big part of population and in no way have fewer rights to cultural and historical determination than Russians, quite the reverse. That’s why I’m so surprised to read revelations of respectable authors like Alain de Benoist about Crimea that “has been a Russian territory for at least four centuries populated mainly by Russian populations” – maximum it’s two centuries together with the Soviet period when started rapid Ukrainization of Crimea, when Crimea became a part of Ukraine, and after deportation of Crimean Tatars by Stalin.
Eastern Ukraine is even less “Russian” than Crimea. Local population was largely pro-Soviet and thus pro-Russian – before “the rebels” appeared there, now they simply want to stay alive and peace – but the illusion of the armed pro-Russian revolt of local residents was created solely by Russian separatists and militaries who infiltrated this region along with hired for the dispersal of Maidan thugs-“titushki,” ex-workers of the special police unit “Berkut” who shot people at Maidan and similar anti-social elements who were financed by loyal to the overthrown president Yanukohych oligarchs and officials of Donbas region that wanted to take revenge. Namely they seized the administrative buildings, built checkpoints and finally killed Ukrainian militaries, civilians and even foreign citizens who travelled in MH-17.
12.) We hear you get moral support from other European nationalists as well, from Poland, Slovakia, and even Russia. What is your stance towards other European nations, especially neighbouring ones?
Probably the first European nationalists who showed us their support and visited the revolutionary Maidan several times were CasaPound Italia and a Scandinavian organization Nordisk Ungdom who wrote perhaps the first appeal to European nationalists in which they called to support us and unite. Koling.nu, Motgift.nu and other Swedish informational platforms also helped us to fight anti-Ukrainian propaganda. Besides, nationalists of a Norwegian branch of Nordfront expressed a desire for informational exchange; I have met in Kyiv and was interviewed by representatives of the Swedish independent newspaper Nya Tider; the activists of the volunteer organization Svenska Ukrainafrivilliga who at first patrolled Ukrainian streets as the members of C14, now serve in the battalion “Azov.” Danish nationalist met at Maidan with my friends from “Svoboda.” I was also interviewed by German nationalists, particularly from the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands for their newspaper Deutsche Stimme and by Johannes Schüller for the cultural magazine “Blause Narzisse.” NPD declared its neutrality, although tends to be more pro-Russian. Czech comrades from the nationalist party “Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti” (DSSS, Workers’ Party of Social Justice) and its youth nationalist movement “Dělnická mládež” (Workers’ Youth) supported Right Sector and invited it to cooperate in the future. Spanish organization “National-Revolutionary Action” (Acción Nacional Revolucionaria) supported Ukrainian revolutionaries, Right Sector in particular, by holding a meeting “Sovereign Ukraine” against the imperialistic claims of the West (“Eurozionism”) and the East (“Soviet mafia and Eurasianist chauvinists”); also recently expressed his support the representative of Spanish “Patria Sindicalista.” Portuguese nationalists are among our sympathizers, too. Editor of the publishing house “Arktos” and a famous traditionalist John Morgan attended the revolutionary Maidan with the lecture and took our side. Lots of Americans are pro-Ukrainian as well; recently I was honoured to answer thought-provoking questions of James Harmon for Traditional.Right.com. A co-founder of Italian Third Position and one of the main ideologists of revolutionary nationalism Gabriele Adinolfi also constantly defends us at the higher theoretical level.
The editorial group of the most influential Polish nationalist resource “Polityka Narodowa” wrote an appeal in which assured of its readiness to cooperate in the future, warned about possible political dangers and demonstrated understanding of our dilemma. Other metapolitical platforms supported us, too. I was interviewed by one of the biggest mainstream Polish online newspapers Gazeta.pl. Overall, namely Polish, Baltic and Scandinavian countries have the biggest amount of citizens, no matter whether they are right-wing or not, who instantly started supporting us, because they encountered neo-Bolshevism, know that the oppressive regimes always disguise themselves as the fighters against the NWO and reject the choice between East and West due to the similar geopolitical position. It goes without saying that the whole Croatian nation, which had the similar historical experience, tends to support us, although Serbian nationalists stand with us as well in spite of aggression of their pro-Russian compatriots. Enthusiastic support and interest of Croatian comrades was especially inspiring: your historical experience is much valued by Ukrainians, the same as competent help of veterans of Croatian war like Gaston Besson. I also read positive commentaries about Ukrainian struggle by the well-known Croatian-American right-wing writer Tomislav Sunić.
There are lots of ordinary sympathizers in countries that have big Ukrainian diasporas (Canada, Brazil, Italia). Among the most passionate supporters one should also mention Finns who remember annexation of Karelia as a result of Soviet invasion of Finland during the Winter War. Many French nationalists support us, too, but organizations are mostly pro-Russian. The directest support show foreign volunteers who fight or train in our volunteer battalions; among them Russians, Belarusians, Swedes, Slovakians, French, Italians, Finns, Norwegians, Canadians and others. Most famous ones are the Swedish volunteer of “Azov” Mikael Skillt whose head was estimated by “the rebels” at 80, 000 UAH, one of the first volunteers Italian Francesco and a veteran of Croatian war Gaston Besson who’s an official contact person for foreign recruits of the battalion “Azov.”
Symbolically, we started with the Scandinavian organization “Nordisk Ungdom” (Northern Youth) and ended with the Russian right-wing organization “Wotan Jugend” (Wotan Youth), members of which serve in the battalion “Azov.” It’s also hard to overestimate their informational support, for as insiders they show the genuine face of the “caring Putin”: ever growing censorship and the strictest anti-extremist laws, collaboration with Zionists and joint conferences on the threat of “revisionism of the history of Holocaust, the history of collaborationism and the outcomes of Second World War”; imprisonment of nationalists, Islamization and so on. Their highlights of “the Russian spring with Chechen accent” were also very timely. Besides, they gathered at their site perhaps the fullest list of articles dedicated to the activities of “Azov” and written by them. Needless to say, such an alliance has a huge historical and cultural significance, because they also view it as restoration of the Kyivan Rus legacy and the only hope for Russia, as opposed to propaganda of the only anti-Russian force in the post-Soviet space, that is the Russian government. Their most important articles are also translated by our supporters from “Stromfront.” Muslims who share dissatisfaction of Russians with the Kremlin’s policy and injustice may be seen among our comrades too, both intellectuals (Geydar Dzhemal, Harun Sidorov) and the volunteers, especially in the battalion “Crimea.”
Thus in general I would say that we not only welcome close cooperation with the neighbouring countries, but also aim for creation of the Slavic Union. Accordingly, its cultural-civilizational mission would be Kyivan Rus, and its geopolitical extension – Baltic-Black See Alliance or the project of Intermarium. Besides, one may fairly conclude that transformation of Kyiv into the centre of attraction for all the anti-Kremlin activists, and not only Ukrainians and Russians, might give a second breath to the separatist process and creation of the advanced nation states in the territory of Russian Federation, as well as reshaping the whole Eurasian space, and this time on the genuinely Eurasian grounds, as opposed to the hidden Russian imperialist agenda of Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism. Classic Russian Eurasianism, by the way, has never been hostile to Europe.
13.) How do you, as Ukrainian nationalists envision the future of Europe as a whole?
Right Sector gained fame among the European Nationalists owing to the idea of the Great European Reconquista that was expressed by Dmytro Yarosh in the video of the same title. It implied that Ukrainian National Revolution should become the starting point of the aforementioned reconquest and awakening of Europe, and European nationalists are welcome to support us if they want to see the same changes in their countries. In terms of current political realities it means destruction or transformation of the “multicultural anti-traditional bureaucratic monster” EU, and its slogan is usually summarized as “For Europe of Free Nations.” However, variations are possible. For instance, the Maltese followers of Norman Lowell also made a very interesting and precise analysis of the events at Maidan in the wider perspective of the project of Imperium Europa that lays stress not so much on nation states as on the regional identity. On one hand, it’s a very dangerous theory in the context of annexation of Crimea and growing separatist and irredentist tendencies in the world, not mentioning hypocritical demands of federalization that are made by the pro-Russian separatists, their Kremlin’s master and his Western allies that only disguise or justify Russian imperialism, on the other, it’s a healthy approach provided that it’s a concept of organic nationalism and the organic state in Julius Evola’s sense, which means combination of “male” spiritual hierarchic values with the “female” ethnic dimension of “blood and soil,” as opposed to egalitarian formal (political) concept of nationalism born by the French revolution that has become a basis for multiculturalism and purely mechanic ties between people. This organic state can be described as imperial: as opposed to the imperialist, which emphasizes the aspect of horizontal expansion and power, it signifies the qualitative, transcendental, vertical level and in terms of forms of government corresponds with a highly decentralized monarchy). New Kyivan Rus as a union of several peoples could be its modern incarnation. After all, during the liberation war against the Russian invaders Ukrainians also rediscovered their own regions represented by the volunteer battalions that bear their names and show unity of our nation better than anything else. Besides, Social-National Assembly, which is the most active supporter of the project of new Kyivan Rus along with Russian and Belorussian colleagues, also names among its main principles the principle of great-powerness and imperiality and underlines that they should not be viewed as derogatory terms, but as vital for existence and growth of the national organism grounds, especially if the country borders on aggressive neighbours like Russia or (when combined with its another basic principle of racialism) if faces the danger of destruction from within as the “counter-colonized” by immigrants Europe. No wonder that SNA also elaborated the concept of Defensible State and offered it to the Ukrainian government.
14.) There are some nationalist parties in Europe, some of them well known, such as Golden Dawn, Front National or Jobbik, that showed support to Putin’s politics towards Ukraine. Why are they doing that? Just out of influence of enemy propaganda and to defy EU establishment, or because they are simply sell-outs?
I agree with the thoughts expressed in the recent article by our Finnish sympathizer Henrik Holappa that this is because European nationalists have high hopes of Putin – false hopes because they have no idea about his multicultural policy, draconian “anti-extremist” and anti-revisionist laws, collaboration with the West. Thus they fallaciously perceive him as an authoritarian conservative and a fighter against the NWO. Kremlin’s institutions that finance pro-Russian projects also play their role, as well as ideological missionaries like Alexander Dugin whose collaboration with Hungarian Jobbik, anti-Ukrainian propaganda and attempts to convert all nationalists to Eurasianism are well-known.
One of our appeals to Greek Golden Dawn that mostly supported Russia (although I heard that there was a split in the movement, and some of the members supported Ukraine) had the same title: “Ignorance, Bribery or Hypocrisy? (A Few Words On “Golden Dawn”).” Here Ukrainian nationalists reminded Golden Dawn of their picket of the Greek embassy in Ukraine and other actions in support of the repressed Greek patriots and assured them that the EU and Russia are equally threatening for the national identity. “Svoboda” party sent appeals to National Front after the latter recognized annexation of Crimea, which ended with termination of diplomatic relations. Also Right Sector sent an appeal to Polish “Ruch Narodowy” and Hungarian “Jobbik” after the latter expressed their concern about the rise of “Ukrainian ultra-nationalism” that presumably threatens corresponding minorities in Ukraine: “…We have already stated a few times that that the National revolution in Ukraine does not pose any threat to the local Polish minority in Ukraine. There is no need for any other ethnic minorities to worry, either. Quite the opposite, we feel the state must guarantee their rights to practice their own culture as long as they are loyal to Ukrainians.
Thus, this statement of certain Hungarian and Polish politicians is baseless. However, the statement itself is not only anti-Ukrainian, it is anti-European. Currently, nationalist movements throughout Europe must promote unity. This is especially true for nationalists in Central and Eastern Europe. In particular, the Right Sector feels that past animosity between Ukrainians and Poles, Ukrainians and Hungarians, Ukrainians and Romanians, as well as Hungarians and Romanians, must be put to rest. Following the principles of true nationalism, we must create a geopolitical centre that through its strength would show the rest of Europe the path to freedom.
True patriots, nationalists and conservative revolutionaries must not fear the national revolution in Ukraine. Whoever fears it either does not know Ukrainian nationalism, or is a chauvinist and temporary ally of Mondialist forces, who are also worried about the success of Ukrainian nationalists.”
Surprisingly, our first allies have become namely Russians – either civic anti-Kremlin activists and intellectuals or nationalists who escaped from repressions at home. They directly pointed out at the ideological paradox of European nationalists that accused Ukrainian nationalists of collaboration with the liberal West and ended with passionate support of antifascists and National Bolsheviks from “Novorossiya” who for some strange reason use the Confederate flags and in the ranks of whom, apart from Chechens, Dagestanis, Afghanistanis, Ossetians, etc. one could also see black fighters with capitalism like Benes Ayo. By the way, three Greeks joined the ranks of “Azov,” too; the right-wing Greek website “Ristorante Verona” effectively helps us defeat the Kremlin’s propaganda.
15.) Could you please comment this one for me? In Russia, on one hand we have Vladimir Zhirinovsky, so called Russian nationalist (in fact a Russian Jew) calling for dividing of Ukraine and destruction of Ukrainian nationalists, all with the blessing of Putin. And on the other hand we have Russian nationalists, real patriots opposed to mass immigration and destruction of Russian culture, being prosecuted for their beliefs and harassed by government. It speaks volumes, doesn’t it?
Absolutely, while Zhirinovsky directly finances separatists, Russian nationalists not only support, but die for Ukraine as the birthplace of the future Russian revolution. They distinguish between the notion of Rossiyanin / Rossiysky, which is the aforementioned formal understanding of Russian nation as a matter if citizenship and is no different from the Western ideal of multiculturalism in theory and practice, especially the city of “Moscwabad,” and the notion of Russkiy (a noun and an adjective) as an ethnic Slavic understanding of nationalism. They confess that the only thing that unites them with modern Russia is Russian citizenship, of which they would be glad to get rid as soon as possible. The same as for Ukrainians, for them it’s the fight for Kievan Rus against the Golden Horde represented by the attitudes of the anti-national and anti-Russian government. Many of them serve in the Ukrainian right-wing battalion “Azov,” in particular, and a few days ago one Russian nationalist, who was persecuted for his political beliefs at home, died during the release of the suburb of Donetsk Maryinka. People like Zhirinovsky and devoted men like this fallen Russian patriot – it’s like night and day.
16.) One of the recent proclamations from Russian separatists was that they might turn in their guns if government disarms Right Sector. What is your comment on that one?
Right Sector replied very simply – “We’re not an illegal armed gangs, as opposed to you, and do not have weapons, only personal defense guns” (now also trophy arms). As I said before, Right Sector’s fighters serve in official military formations, and Ukrainian Volunteer Corps will also be legalized soon, so that nobody dared to accuse the heroes after the end of war of banditism. Besides, all understand that separatists use myths about Right Sector namely to justify their presence in Donbas. They place their arms near the inhabited quarters, even hospitals, shoot at people and then accuse of murders and destruction “Right Sector” and “the bloody junta.” Many residents of the released cities openly explain this and welcome Right Sector and other battalions as liberators.
17.) Ukraine is currently in a bad financial situation, while at the same time being largest European country, except for Russia. If you had the power in your hands, what would be your plan to rebuild Ukrainian economy and wealth of Ukrainian citizens?
We are equally interested in philosophy of politics and philosophy of economy, and are aware of interrelation of the national government and social justice for the indigenous people and, in turn, of the national government and the higher geopolitical alliance that could break down the international monetary system and power of the transnational corporations. Right-wing national unity is obviously not enough, and economic autarky and development depends on not only our ability to quickly rebuild our industry after the collapse of Soviet Union, but also on successful avoiding the yoke of usury and foreign investments, which in the initial stage may be quite useful, but in the end often result in foreign ownership.
The title of Social-National Assembly’s ideology – Social Nationalism elaborated by Mykola Stsiborsky – speaks for itself, and Dmytro Yarosh has always said that Ukrainian nationalism is social by definition, which means that ideologically both are heirs of national-revolutionary movements of the Third Way. That’s why in geopolitical terms Right Sector and Ukrainian nationalists in general have to wage war on two fronts and cooperate economically, above all, with the countries that have similar historical experience and face the same geopolitical dilemmas (Baltic-Black Sea area). Dmytro Yarosh in his program underlined the need to create favourable conditions for the middle class and small business, reasonably limited state regulation of economy and simultaneously state control over the strategic branches, the moratorium on foreigners buying agricultural land and selling it to foreigners, raising the villages, gaining energy independence through forcing energy-saving technologies, introduction of alternative energy, diversification of energy sources, etc. The basis of this program is economic nationalism that relies on the national state-building, and its key formula is as follows: “From creation and consolidation of the nation-state – through the state protection of the economic interests of the people – to the well-being of every citizen.”
Likewise, the first main principle of Social-National Assembly is Sociality, which means building a harmonious national community, but its approach is more conservative and authoritarian: from rejection of social segregation and existence of the poor SNA proceeds to rejection of liberalism and democracy which result in the mob rule (ochlocracy). Instead, SNA offers selection of the best representatives of nation on a basis of national solidarity, natural hierarchy and disciplin. So it is also against concentration of the basic industries in private hands, but goes further and insists on destruction of the parties and creation of the specialized parliamentary committees, which are working bodies of the parliament composed of the members of relevant profession, for only professional abilities entitle to legislative activity in the corresponding sector and involve the principle of responsibility. These attitudes, though, concern social philosophy in general and the form of government, and the economic doctrine of Social Nationalism as such, which is described in Mykola Stsiborsky’s book “Natiocracy” also combines private and collective ownership, is aimed both against Western capitalism and fake Moscow’s socialism and rests on the concept of state syndicalism.
There is also the Ukrainian research group “Politonomia” guided by Yuriy Noievyi that holds thematic seminars on political philosophy and related matters like right-wing economic doctrines, which is one of our priorities now, for right-wingers care not only about the idea and aesthetics. I collaborate with it and contribute to its newly established online journal “Suspilstvo” (Society), second issue of which (“War and Revolution”) contains the chapter “European Rightists” (who took Putin’s side) that consists of articles written by our foreign supporters, except for Andriy Voloshyn’s article “Should we care about jobbiks?” Thus we’ll analyze most important questions and perhaps will make a special issue in English for our Western comrades.
18.) And, to close this interview with a more of a personal question. How did you as a woman decide to participate in something that at first was a revolutionary movement? What is Right Sector’s standpoint on woman’s role in our society?
Three years ago I have become a member of Ukrainian metapolitical organization Ukrainian Traditionalist Club (headed by the aforementioned Andriy Voloshyn). We organized different meetings dedicated to the topics of integral traditionalism, Conservative Revolution, archeofuturism, Ukrainian conservative and nationalist tradition, as well as cultural and historical legacy in general, the right-wing cultural movements and separate persons. The permanent members of the Club are quite few people, but among our attendees and speakers were lots of different guests from academicians to ultras, and many our foreign friends are considered as its distant members. Besides, we collaborated with various right-wing Ukrainian parties, movements and organizations, actually, all those that united under the banner of Right Sector. So at this level the Club performs uniting, communicative function. However, even before the beginning of Ukrainian revolution its head Andriy Voloshyn felt the need to get involved into politics in order to implement our ideas and change things in reality and eventually joined the international service of the party “Svoboda”; other members also started their own political activity.
When Maidan turned anti-regime, and Right Sector as the broad revolutionary movement took responsibility for the violent clashes with the police, I also felt the need to support, justify and legitimize its actions. Thus in the midst of revolution I met Dmytro Yarosh and volunteered to help them overcome the aggressive anti-Ukrainian Kremlin’s propaganda as the press secretary for relations with the foreign right-wing organizations, although the official press secretaries of this party are Artem Skoropadskyi and Boryslav Bereza. I was official in a sense that my initiative was approved by Dmytro Yarosh, and as the independent ideologist and researcher I support all the truly right-wing and patriotic Ukrainian forces, battalion “Azov” in particular. Perhaps I will join the party, too, but now my priority is the thesis, which is also dedicated to Conservative Revolution, the genuine Third Way and criticism of right-wingers and novel National Bolsheviks who supported Putin, – and war. Regarding the latter, although female comrades and activists are typical for the Ukrainian nationalist movement and patriotic circles, Right Sector and SNA put in the first place the traditional purpose and role of women – motherhood and family. As a member of Ukrainian Traditionalist Club that deals with not only Ukrainian traditions, I’m aware of the different female archetypes and historical practice of female warriors, so I do not consider it as an anti-traditional activity provided that femininity and female destination do not suffer. Also I understand very well those revolutionaries who sighed with relief only when they joined the ranks of National Guard, army or volunteer battalions, but I do not underestimate information warfare and diplomatic relations and know that I and my colleagues should do this job. Being a part of the revolutionary movement is a natural result of my fascination with Conservative Revolution and the leader of German National Revolutionaries Ernst Jünger, as well as German philosophic tradition that aims to change the world and philosophy in general (by education I’m historian of philosophy). So here everything starts with ideas, worldview and culture, as well as character and social background (my grandparents were militaries or took active part in Second World War).
Once again, thank you for this interview. We wish you all the luck and success in your struggle.
Thank you for your inspiring support! I was in spirit with Croatian veterans on Victory and Homeland Thanksgiving Day and the Day of Croatian Defenders on August 5, wish you all the best as well and look forward to our future fruitful collaboration!